| H o w w e t a k e b a c k o u r c h i l d r e n ' s e d u c a t i o n -- o n e p e r s o n , o n e q u e s t i o n , o n e s c h o o l a t a t i m e . |
| Cy-Fair's David Anthony (C) at resort with bar cart girl (L), AIG vendor Ken Coffey (R) at 2:30 pm on Friday, Apr. 20 of TAKS testing week |
| P E Y T O N W O L C O T T |
How we take back our children's education: one person, one question, one school at a time. |
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| Copyright 1999-2007 Peyton Wolcott |
| C o n s e r v a t i v e C o m m e n t a r y - Sandy Kress/Edu-Lawyer, Lobbyist |
| "Superintendents and school boards would have to be willing to be perceived as being anti-open government and anti-transparency to turn down requests that they post their check registers online." |
| SEEING IS BELIEVING Although Katy ISD supe Leonard Merrell has just retired, his self-named "Leonard E. Merrell Center" (above) at Katy ISD still bears his name not once but twice, and remains the only such edifice in the U.S. which a working supe named for himself. (Updated July 4, 2007) |
| UNBELIEVABLE BUT TRUE |
| Former Bremond ISD supe |
| THE BIG PICTURE |
| Public Records |
| Sentencing |
| Bremond ISD |
| Practical steps: How to Organize 95 Questions How to ask for public records |
| Another day in paradise: Texas' hardworking supes golfing with vendors during TAKS testing week By Peyton Wolcott Tue., Apr. 24, 2007/1:04 am |
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| Remember Dallas ISD's tech guy Ruben Bohuchot's use of vendor's"Sir Veza"? The yacht's been-- forgive us -- "Rehabbed." |
| You're Gov. Perry for a day: Your pick for Texas' next edu- missioner is ____? By Peyton Wolcott Monday, June 25/1:08 am You've got one basic decision; on it everything else hinges: |
| Are you really ready to do something about the mess our current vendor-driven public school system has become, or are you going to appoint someone from the same old tarnished Education, Inc. gene pool we've been culling from for the past dozen years? As guv-for-a-day, the person you hire will either continue to plunge Texas public education deeper into the subjective touchy-feely fuzzy math whole-language abyss in which it's become mired -- the one which has already produced a generation of young adults who can't tell you what six times nine is without a calculator and who don't know where Alsace-Lorraine is and why knowing that's important to the future of our Southern border with Mexico -- or you'll find a way to appease business interests and still put someone in charge who is smart and savvy enough to make the changes that are necessary. The nominees The names most frequently presented this past week: Robert Scott, Sandy Kress, Bill Hammond, Ric Williamson, Kent Grusendorf, Talmadge Heflin, John Folks, David Anthony, Leonard Merrell and Mike Hinojosa. |
| what's wrong with our public schools today for many diverse reasons--including being a paid education lobbyist--one of the biggest practical if not political strikes against Kress is the fact that his son does not attend Austin ISD public schools but instead attends a private preparatory school in Austin. Somehow it doesn't seem quite cricket that a fellow who's made a fortune from public education would be sending his child to a private school--especially if he really believes, as again and again he says does. Is Kress tied to growing New Orleans PS scandal? Former NOPS board president Ellenese Brooks-Simms pleaded guilty to bribery charges earlier this week and "has agreed to cooperate fully with the FBI and the U.S. Attorney's office.... The plea by Brooks-Simms marks the zenith thus far of a five-year federal probe into Orleans Parish schools that has netted 28 additional indictments of employees and contractors on various bribery, fraud and theft charges....Records show the company has paid lucrative fees to lobbying juggernauts including...Akin Gump." (SOURCE--New Orleans Times-Picayune) Sandy Kress is a partner in Akin Gump. For those of you just back from ten years Zimbabwe, Kress is also a former Dallas ISD school board trustee and was the education advisor to President Bush credited as being the primary architect of No Child Left Behind. Among the groups with which he's been associated: Texas Business & Education Coalition on whose board he serves with the likes of Mike Moses, Bracewell partner David Thompson and TASA's Kay Waggoner. According to Texas Ethics Commission records, for just one activity--as paid lobbyist for Texans for Excellence in the Classroom-- Kress expects his annual compensation to be in the neighborhood of $100,000 to $149,999.99. |
| Sandy Kress (2nd from left) |
| Education, Inc. candidates Business sector Although Sandy Kress epitomizes for many parents and taxpayers |
| The blogospher on Kress I still consider it one of life's great mysteries as to how anyone who listens to Kress for as long as it takes to spell c-o-r-r-u-p-t-i-o-n could be impressed by anything he has to say about any legitimate conception of education. (SOURCE--School Matters) Kress has used his knowledge and connections to earn millions as a high-powered lobbyist for test publishers...He’s made about $4 million in lobbying contracts, in large part from companies that profit from provisions of the law he helped to design. (SOURCE--Emily Pyle/Texas Observer) [Regarding NCLB/Reading First] Surely from the beginning, from the crafty engineering and writing of the law to its implementation, cronyism and conflicts of intereset have abounded. Who has benefited from this regressive and oppressive law? The financial benefit to Sandy Kress alone is probably staggering. (SOURCE--Educator Roundtable) Thanks to Sandy Kress, several brand-new spigots had begun to pump billions in federal dollars out of public schools and into the private sector, where corporate interests had only to hold out their buckets and fill ‘em up. (SOURCE--Daily Kos) |
| Bill Hammond is another business lobbyist--he's president of the Texas Association of Business-- and someone else many parents and taxpayers |
| Bill Hammond |
| To make this easier for you, guv-for-a-day, assuming you're short on time, here's the short-form EZ graphics version; the longer form with factual supporting data follows: |
| Sandy Kress, Bill Hammond, Ric Williamson and Kent "Pushing Laptops Is My Middle Name" Grusendorf are profiled at right. Austin insiders say Cy-Fair's David Anthony has never really been in the running and that his and San Antonio's John Folk's and Dallas' Hinojosa candidacies may be more a function of contract negotiations with their boards; you see the idea. Does Texas really need an education commissioner who would leave his teachers and students behind back in his hometown to play golf at a resort on Friday of TAKS testing week with an insurance vendor (below)? Or a paid lobbyist with deep and rich connections to education vendors? That's what we'd get with David Anthony or Sandy Kress. |
| Sandy Kress, Bill Hammond, Ric Williamson, John Folks, David Anthony, Leonard Merrell and Mike Hinojosa. |
xxx
| The blogosphere on Hammond BRIEF: The head of one of Texas' largest business lobbies was taken into custody Monday after refusing to turn over documents concerning the organization's secretly-funded advertising campaign during the 2002 legislative races. Texas Association of Business President Bill Hammond also decided not to pay his $500 fine for contempt and was ordered held in the Austin jury room until 5 p.m. when the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals set bail at $1,500 and he was released. (SOURCE--KPFT) Leave it to Shirley Neeley and her ventriloquists in the governor's office to appoint a "task force" of political insiders to investigate cheating on the TAKS test. All five of the appointees are connected to the Texas Public Education Establishment....The five are Dr. Carole Francois, education consultant; Bill Hammond, chief of the Texas Association of Business; Sylvia Hatton, former executive director of the TEA's regional education service center in Edinburg; George McShan, former president of the state and national associations of school boards; and A.J. Rodriguez, head of the San Antonio Chamber of Commerce. Some might remember Dr. Francois from days when she was former Dallas ISD Supt. Mike Moses' chief of staff. She also worked for Moses at TEA. (SOURCE--Scott Parks/Dallas Morning News Blog) |
| Kent Grusendorf The former House Public Education chair was defeated for a variety of reasons last year including his relentless pushing of taxpayer- funded laptops for all students. Putting someone so out of touch with the populace, including teachers, in charge of TEA seems not wise. Further, he was unseated by Diane Patrick, a former teacher and considered a friend of public schools. |
| Texas Senate Education chair Florence Shapiro on Sandy Kress: "When it comes to public schools and the betterment of children, I don't know of anyone who cares more about that than Sandy Kress. Ms. Shapiro said she sees Mr. Kress as a friend, not one of the estimated 300 Austin lawyer- lobbyists who represent clients interested in public education law. ' I have no idea who his clients are,' she said." Comment: Apparently Mr. Kress' interest in public schools and the betterment of children does not extend to his own son, given that his son attends a private prep school. |
| And another comment Call some of us populists, call us egalitarian, but seems to many folks that anyone wanting to head up Texas' public schools should at the very least have his son enrolled in one. It is troubling that the man who has been a part of selling so much stuff to our public schools finds our public schools sufficiently lacking that he has enrolled his son in a private school. A nagging question: If Sandy finds our public schools sufficiently lacking that he will not send his son to one, does this mean the stuff we are buying from his clients the school peddlers is not working? If if it's not working, whyare we buying it? |
| Developing . . . . |
| Texas supes golfing on Friday, April 20, 2007 during TAKS testing week at TAS/MUS "Boerne Tourney" |
| Should this public school profiteer* be Texas' next education commissioner? By Peyton Wolcott Updated Tuesday, July 4, 2007/10:08 am |
| Education lobbyist and lawyer Sandy Kress (R) discussing NCLB on PBS |
| Second thoughts By Peyton Wolcott Saturday, August 4, 2007/10 pm One of the tests of growing up is learning that just because you can do something doesn't mean you should. Austin lobbyist/lawyer Sandy Kress has certainly paid his dues--in some cases literally perhaps--toward s the cause of his being named Texas' next edumissioner. He is after all most commonly called "the architect of No Child Left Behind." Where the dilemma lies is that for some people this is a good thing and for many others, it is not. As regards his ties to a seemingly endless stream of public school vendors, it is very difficult to imagine that with a few signed papers Sandy could sufficiently divest himself of all holdings for the period of his service as Texas edu-missioner. Look at this sampling at far left, judge for yourself: |
| Why focus on Sandy Kress? Two reasons: One, he is the apparent pick for TEA edu- missioner by the Texas business community, and appears on all short lists. Two, he's mentioned as a consistent front runner behind deputy commissioner Robert Scott. |
| would like to see kept as far away from public education as legally possible. |
| *About that public school profiteering There are issues around Sandy Kress' lobbying and business interests. Here's one example: |
| It's clear there are some serious issues around Sandy Kress as Texas' next commissioner of education. Public school profiteer sends own son to private prep school. He has made millions from public schools via lobbying for vendors and others--and sends his own son to a private school As a friend put it earlier tonight, "If he were going to be dogcatcher or attorney general or secretary of state, he could send his kid wherever he wanted. But to be head of all of Texas education he really does need to send that boy to public school--and to have been sending him there all along, not a last-minute switcheroo next week." |
| "You wanna know what motivates me?" Mr. Kress asked. "Fixing that problem is what motivates me." Whether to feed his passion or to pad his paycheck, Mr. Kress has picked up his briefcase and headed to the Capitol to join the legislative debate about reshaping schools and the teaching profession. "I'm a radical education reformer," he said. "That is who I am. That is the definition of Sandy Kress." Mr. Kress is a partner at Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld, which describes itself as one of the world's largest law firms. He operates from an office on the 21st floor of a downtown Austin high- rise. He lives in a million-dollar home with his wife, Camille. They have two children who attend public schools. Mr. Kress seems to be involved in every serious conversation about education policy from California to New York. His schedule keeps him hopscotching across the country as a cheerleader for No Child Left Behind, the sweeping federal education law that enshrined test data as the centerpiece of school accountability. Under the Texas Capitol dome this session, he is the paid lobbyist for conservative businessmen intent on imposing more accountability on public schools in return for increased funding. He consults for companies that sell products and services to state education agencies and school districts. And he advises corporate chief executives under the banner of business groups such as the Business Roundtable. Mr. Kress declined to reveal his hourly rate. It varies by client, he said. Sometimes, he volunteers his time. At legislative hearings and education conferences and in the press, he is usually identified as a former education adviser to President Bush or as a former Dallas school board president in the mid-1990s. Rarely mentioned publicly, however, are Mr. Kress' connections to powerful companies and business associations that have a stake in a $500-billion-a- year public education machine fueled by a politically volatile mix of federal, state and local taxes. "Sandy is old-school in that he wants to fly under the radar screen, particularly as it relates to his lobbying activities," said longtime friend Robert Spellings, a Washington lobbyist and husband of U.S. Education Secretary Margaret Spellings. "He quietly goes about his business, and he has credibility." Mr. Kress says he follows all public disclosure laws for lobbyists. He frowned upon hearing his friend's metaphor. "I don't fly above or below anything," he said. Legislative influence Most lawmakers don't seem to care whom Mr. Kress represents. When he speaks, they listen. Florence Shapiro, R-Plano, chairwoman of the state Senate's Education Committee, will be a key player in crafting controversial proposals based on test score data – things such as bonus pay for teachers and state sanctions for low-performing schools. Mr. Kress "has been a vital part of everything I've done for the last two years. I say he is an adviser and mentor, and we share ideas," Ms. Shapiro said. "When it comes to public schools and the betterment of children, I don't know of anyone who cares more about that than Sandy Kress." Ms. Shapiro said she sees Mr. Kress as a friend, not one of the estimated 300 Austin lawyer-lobbyists who represent clients interested in public education law. "I have no idea who his clients are," [Senate Education Committee chair Florence Shapiro] said. Much of Mr. Kress' work takes place under the cloak of attorney-client privilege. "I don't want to talk too much about what I do for my clients because I don't think they like that," he said. Mr. Kress' relationship with Pearson Education, one of the world's largest education companies, illustrates how he works with some clients. Pearson, among other things, publishes textbooks and runs high- stakes test programs for state education agencies. The company holds a $57 million contract to run the TAKS test program for 2004-05, according to the Texas Education Agency. The Government Accountability Office, a watchdog agency that reports to Congress, says states will spend $1.9 billion to $5.3 billion to implement tests mandated by No Child Left Behind. So what is Mr. Kress' value to a major player in the textbook and testing industries? A January 2003 meeting of Pearson executives and their investors shed some light on that question. Mr. Kress was the featured speaker. Marjorie Scardino, the Texarkana-born chief executive of parent company Pearson PLC (which also owns The Financial Times and Penguin Books), introduced Mr. Kress as one of "the leading advisers on education policy in America." "He also is our adviser," she said. "He talks a lot to us about how NCLB is going to change things for us and what kinds of products and services might be appropriate for that kind of change." Mr. Kress spent 20 minutes guiding Pearson investors through his encyclopedic knowledge of federal law, helping them understand No Child Left Behind's requirements and their effect on the market: more money for English language learners, new mandates for science testing beginning in 2006-07 and a hundred other details. During a recent interview, he talked about how he sees himself and his work. The word "lobbyist" was not prominent in his self-analysis. What he really does, he said, is use a unique blend of knowledge about public education law and education research to chart the future for his clients. He reads research. For example, he knows what middle school math textbooks should contain and who should be hired to write them. "I may say, 'Here's what I think' or 'Here's what I see.' " From Dallas to D.C. How can he be both a professorial guru and a hired gun? One lawmaker, who asked not to be identified, likened Mr. Kress to Jell-O that's hard to grab onto. In the mid-1980s, he was Democratic Party chairman in Dallas County. He ran for the Dallas school board in 1992 and won. Even back then, he advocated upgrading learning by using a standardized test to measure academic success and teacher performance. In 1993, George W. Bush was preparing to run for governor and called Mr. Kress for a tutorial on education policy. They became friends. By 1995, Mr. Kress had become Dallas school board president. It was an extraordinarily divisive period for the Dallas Independent School District. Mr. Kress and other whites on the board often voted with the Latino members in a bloc that became known as the "slam- dunk gang." Black trustees accused him of running a dictatorship that targeted minority schools for punishment for academic problems. He said he was just trying to improve the schools, and in fact student test scores did rise during his tenure. Under his leadership, DISD also implemented an accountability system to link teachers' evaluations to the performance of their students. But after four racially charged years on the board, he chose not to run for re-election in 1996. "The political conflicts in Dallas were complex," he said. "I don't purport to fully understand them." The political turmoil helped persuade Mr. Kress to leave Dallas in 1997 and establish himself in Austin. By then, he had become a confidant to both Democrats and Republicans. His loyalty to Mr. Bush had deepened. In 2001, he turned up as a temporary government employee in Washington. With his bipartisan pedigree and education expertise, Mr. Bush saw him as the perfect choice to shepherd No Child Left Behind through Congress. Mr. Kress got much of the credit for passing the law. Sen. Edward Kennedy, D-Mass., called him the president's "smooth talker." He left Washington with greater stature among Republicans, who were becoming the winning team in Washington and Austin. Even so, Mr. Kress never switched parties publicly. He started referring to himself as "post-partisan." Records show that he and his wife have contributed $7,000 to the Bush presidential campaigns. But he also contributed to his law firm's political action committee, which gives money to both Republicans and Democrats. Voting records show that he participated in the 2000 Republican primary. In 2002, he voted in the Democratic primary. He didn't vote in either primary in 2004. "I still get surprised when folks ascribe political motives to what I do," he said. "I work with Democrats. I work with Republicans. And I don't see myself, for better or worse, as making decisions to curry favor on a partisan basis." The accountability fight Mr. Kress also lobbies for Texas Businesses for Educational Excellence, a loose-knit group that wants a more productive public education system for their tax dollars. The group advocates a tightly controlled industrial model for education called standards-based accountability. The state develops a script – grade by grade and subject by subject – to determine what children should be taught. It's called the Texas Essential Knowledge and Skills. Teachers follow the guidelines, and children are tested to measure academic production. Test results allow the state to target teachers and principals for praise or blame. The scores also point to schools that might need restructuring. Teachers and other critics say this system steals creativity from the classroom and leaves no time for deeper learning and critical thinking. Mr. Kress dismisses those complaints. He says good teachers can find time for a well-rounded curriculum beyond TEKS. "You cannot teach a whole semester on dinosaurs," Mr. Kress said. "With some teachers, it would be a whole semester on dinosaurs. It's a revolution. In the past, those decisions were made in the classroom." Linda McNeil, a professor of education at Rice University, says the business model for public education is disrespectful of teachers. "The idea is that teachers don't work hard and that they need to be shaped up by business people," said Dr. McNeil, a critic of the standards-based accountability movement. The focus on a uniform statewide testing system, she argued, shifts public attention away from the poor school environment that many lower- income students endure each day – inferior libraries, too few textbooks, no running water in science classes. "Sameness becomes a proxy for equity," she said. "The so-called accountability system becomes a mask for the old inequalities." Critics say Mr. Kress' education philosophy equates teachers to salesmen. Mr. Kress is among those who advocate bonuses for schools that score better on TAKS, with principals deciding which teachers are rewarded. He is also pushing the TEA to classify more Texas schools as "low- performing." Right now, some are ranked "acceptable" even though no more than 25 percent of their students pass the TAKS test. Mr. Kress also advocates new, "muscular" sanctions for schools that remain low-performing for three years in a row when compared with schools with similar demographics. To escape those schools, parents might be given publicly funded vouchers to transfer their children to private schools. Or regulators might turn the operations of chronically low- performing schools over to private for- profit or nonprofit management companies. "Whether it's done by school people themselves or contracted out to somebody else, I'm agnostic on that," Mr. Kress said. "But that it be done is essential." Mr. Kress also says he believes state government should expand the number of charter schools in Texas. Educational choices for parents are a good thing, he said. The opposition Talk of vouchers and privatizing public schools is threatening to many teachers, administrators and other public school advocates. Ms. Boyle, the former PTA mom, works with many of those who are alarmed. She runs the Coalition for Public Schools, an amalgam of 40 organizations that represent everyone from teachers to school administrators to elected school board members. And she is suspicious of those who talk about issuing vouchers and corporations taking over failing public schools. "I'm looking at all of this as a parent with a lot of heart involved," said Ms. Boyle, who spends her days fighting legislative proposals to divert money from public schools. "These guys are looking at schools with their brains and calculators." E-mail sparks@dallasnews.com ______________________________ ("KRESS: HIS CLIENTS AND HIS ACTIVITIES" continued above left) |
| Is "profiteer" too harsh a description? According to most dictionaries, a profiteer is someone who makes what is considered an unreasonable profit. Until Sandy Kress and Pearson (see Houston Chronicle quotes above) and his other clients open up their books how can we determine what is reasonable and what is not? Would Sandy Kress be willing to show us his last five years of IRS filings, with attachments? |
| Kress client Pearson's $279 million contract "The Texas Education Agency has agreed to pay Iowa-based Pearson Educa- tional Measurement about $39 million for field testing conducted from 2005-2010, accord- ing to the agency... Field testing accounts for about 15 percent of Pearson's entire five-year, $279 million contract with the agency." (SOURCE--Ericka Mellon/Houston Chronicle) |
| The big man on campus reform Lobbyist a go-to guy on school policy, but some question his motives 10:26 PM CST on Saturday, March 5, 2005 By SCOTT PARKS/The Dallas Morning News |
| AUSTIN – Sandy Kress is charting the future for America's schoolchildren. Ten years ago, he was president of the Dallas school board. In 2001, he helped President Bush shoulder the No Child Left Behind Act through Congress. He's a lawyer, a lobbyist, an education policy wonk and a once- prominent Democrat who became a top adviser to Republicans. And today, at age 55, Mr. Kress is among the most influential players in the education-industrial complex. Some critics see a conflict. On the one hand, Mr. Kress is a leading advocate of using test data to hold schools accountable; he says his motivation is to make education better for children. On the other, the accountability movement that he espouses benefits the clients who have made him wealthy. "One of the things that irritates people is that he wraps George W. Bush around his neck like a mink stole, and he is really this highly paid hired gun who opens up education markets for big companies," said Carolyn Boyle, a former PTA mom who lobbies to maintain funding for public schools. Mr. Kress dismisses such talk as hyperbole from people who "see hobgoblins" and "commies under the bed." What they should be focusing on, he said, is bad schools where most kids fail the Texas Assessment of Knowledge and Skills. |
| KRESS: HIS CLIENTS AND HIS ACTIVITIES Saturday, March 5, 2005 By SCOTT PARKS/The Dallas Morning News Education adviser to President George W. Bush in the 2000 and 2004 campaigns. Played key role in helping Mr. Bush push the No Child Left Behind law through Congress. Consultant to Council of Chief State School Officers, an association of state education commissioner s. Mr. Kress advises them on how to implement No Child Left Behind's requirement that all states set up accountability systems based on high-stakes test scores. Consultant to the Business Roundtable, a Washington D.C.-based consortium of chief executives of major American companies. The organization has been active in education issues for many years. Co-founder of the Texas Education Reform Caucus. TERC was created as an advisory committee for state Rep. Kent Grusendorf, R-Arlington, chairman of the Public Education Committee in the Texas House of Representative s. Adviser, consultant and lobbyist for Pearson Education, a worldwide company that publishes textbooks and runs high-stakes test programs in Texas and other states. Lobbyist for Kaplan, a division of The Washington Post Co. Kaplan provides a wide range of educational products and services. It first made its mark in the test-preparatio n industry. Lobbyist for The Teaching Commission, a New York-based think tank started by Louis V. Gerstner Jr., chairman of The Carlyle Group, a private global investment firm. The Teaching Commission advocates more rigorous teacher-training programs and paying them based on merit rather than seniority. Consultant to the Governor's Business Council, a group of Texas business leaders that have recommended a wide-ranging list of changes to public education law in Texas. Charles McMahen, a retired Houston banker, chairs the council. Lobbyist for Texas Businesses for Excellence in Education. The group hired Mr. Kress to help get the Governor's Business Council recommendati ons into Texas law. It advocates stricter sanctions for schools that are judged "low-performin g" based on high-stakes test scores. Houston investor Charles Miller and San Antonio businessman H.B. Zachry Jr. are involved in this group. Former lobbyist for K12, which in 2003 unsuccessfully pushed the Texas Legislature to publicly fund so-called virtual charter schools. K12 sells curricula that home-schooler s can get over the Internet. William J. Bennett, a former U.S. secretary of education, is a director of the company. Mr. Kress says he no longer works for K12. Former lobbyist for Community Education Partners. Under contract with school districts, the company runs alternative campuses for problem students who have been kicked out of regular classrooms. Mr. Kress says he has not worked for CEP since 1999. SOURCES: Texas Ethics Commission, Sandy Kress and Dallas Morning News research. |
| TAS/MUS golf tourney/Boerne, Texas (04/20/07) |
| Remember the golfing supes on TAKS testing day? Sandy Kress' client Pearson was a sponsor. Curious who rode in the cart with the Pearson rep? |
| Hats off to Scott Parks and the Dallas Morning News for the nation's first comprehensive look at Sandy Kress |
| Akin Gump (Sandy Kress' law firm) Lobbying clients Registered with the U.S. House of Representatives Washington, D.C. Sandy Kress' Texas lobbying here (Client Name House ID LD-2 Form) ABACUS TECHNOLOGY CORPORATION 317840339 Abbott Laboratories AD HOC NITROGEN COMMITTEE 317840177 Aetna, Inc. 317840399 AGUA CALIENTE BAND OF CAHUILLA INDIANS 317840318 [See casino photo at right] AKORN, INC. 317840346 ALLIANCE OF PINE BLUFF, ARKANSAS, THE 317840283 ALLIANCE OF DEDICATED CANCER CENTERS 317840304 AMERICAN ASSOCIATION OF STATE HIGHWAY AND TRANSPORTATION OFFICIALS (AASHTO) 317840254 AMERICAN COLLEGE OF EDUCATION 317840413 AMERICAN FINANCIAL GROUP, INC. 317840002 AMERICAN INTERNATIONAL GROUP 317840347 AMERICAN TELEPHONE & TELEGRAPH 317840004 AMERICAN WIND ENERGY ASSOCIATION 317840331 Anheuser-Busch Companies 317840403 (see illustration below right) APOLLO ADVISORS, LP 317840139 ARBITRAGE RELIEF COALITION FOR SRFS 317840310 Archer Daniels Midland Company 317840408 AREVA, Inc. 317840414 (see illustration at right) ATLANTIC SEA ISLAND GROUP LLC 317840378 AUTHENTIDATE HOLDING CORP. 317840349 BARRICK GOLD CORPORATION OF NORTH AMERICA INC. 317840128 BAYLOR COLLEGE OF MEDICINE 317840221 BECHTEL GROUP, INC 317840008 BHP BILLITRON LNG INTERNATIONAL INC. 317840335 BIOFORTIS, INC. 317840385 BOEING COMPANY, THE 317840086 BP EXPLORATION (ALASKA), INC. 317840224 BRIDGESTONE AMERICAS HOLDING, INC. 317840203 BROWN-FORMAN 317840325 BRUNSWICK CORPORATION 317840126 CATALINA HEALTH RESOURCE, INC. 317840348 CENTEX CONSTRUCTION 317840384 CERTAINTEED CORPORATION 317840263 CHAMBERLAIN GROUP INC., THE 317840321 CHEMTURA CORPORATION 317840363 CHEROKEE INVESTMENT PARTNERS 317840375 CHOICEPOINT 317840261 CITIZENS EDUCATIONAL FOUNDATION, INC. 317840073 CITY OF HOUSTON 317840327 CITY OF YONKERS INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT AGENCY 317840229 CNOOC LIMITED 317840343 (see more below right) Coalition for 21st Century Patent Reform 317840397 COALITION FOR A STRONGER FDA, THE 317840395 COMMERCE CLAUSE COALITION 317840172 CONSTELLA GROUP, LLC 317840361 CORRECTIONS CORPORATION OF AMERICA 317840195 COUNTY OF SOLANO 317840383 Cox Enterprises Inc. 317840421 CRYOLIFE, INC. 317840289 Cumberland Community Improvement District 317840396 DELAWARE NORTH COMPANIES, INC 317840268 DFI GOVERNMENT SERVICES 317840333 DRC Real Estate Development LLC 317840424 EDUCATIONAL TESTING SERVICES 317840298 EMC CORPORATION, INC 317840205 EMPIRE STATE DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION 317840284 ENPRO INDUSTRIES 317840290 EXXON MOBIL PRODUCTION COMPANY, A DIVISION OF EXXON MOBIL CORPORATION 317840225 FIRST BROADCASTING, LLC 317840322 FIRSTENERGY 317840162 FLORIDA CITRUS MUTUAL 317840279 FLORIDA POWER & LIGHT COMPANY 317840355 FLUOR CORPORATION 317840360 FM POLICY FOCUS 317840150 FOOD LION 317840247 FREMONT INVESTORS, INC 317840018 GE HEALTHCARE 317840370 General Electric 317840402 GILA RIVER INDIAN COMMUNITY 317840110 GLOBAL ALCOHOL PRODUCERS GROUP 317840354 GOEX, INC 317840291 GOODRICH CORPORATION 317840233 GOODWILL INDUSTRIES INTERNATIONAL, INC 317840307 GREATER TOPEKA CHAMBER OF COMMERCE 317840313 GROCERY MANUFACTURERS OF AMERICA (GMA) 317840295 GUARDIAN INDUSTRIES, INC 317840217 HAMPTON ROADS MILITARY AND FEDERAL FACILITIES ALLIANCE 317840366 HARRIS BEACH & WILCOX 317840163 HESS CORPORATION 317840066 HONEYWELL INTERNATIONAL, INC 317840305 HUNT BUILDING CORPORATION 317840277 Husky Energy Inc. 317840416 Ice Energy, Inc. 317840423 INCHARGE DEBT SOLUTIONS 317840372 INDIAN HEAD DEFENSE ALLIANCE 317840299 INDOOR TANNING ASSOCIATION, INC. 317840207 INTER-AMERICAN UNIVERSITY OF PUERTO RICO 317840319 ISE CORP. 317840390 JOHNSON & JOHNSON 317840093 JRL ENTERPRISES 317840369 Julian Robertson 317840422 KALEIDA HEALTH 317840337 KAPLAN, INC. 317840306 KLEINER PERKINS CAUFIELD & BYERS 317840359 Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company 317840420 Landmark Aviation 317840410 Large Public Power Council 317840401 LAS VEGAS PAIUTE TRIBE 317840328 LIBERTY MUTUAL INSURANCE COMPANY 317840022 LIFECARE MANAGEMENT SERVICES 317840365 LINEBARGER, GOGGAN, BLAIR, PENA & SAMPSON, L.L.P. 317840106 LOWE'S COMPANIES INC. 317840389 MANTECH INTERNATIONAL 317840285 MARSH & MCLENNAN COMPANIES, INC 317840301 MDVIP, INC. 317840341 Medtronic, Inc. 317840409 MEGANET CORPORATION 317840379 MEMORIAL SLOAN-KETTERING CANCER CENTER 317840088 MERCK & CO, Inc. 317840211 METROPOLITAN TRANSIT AUTHORITY OF HARRIS COUNTY 317840026 MGT OF AMERICA 317840316 Mid-Atlantic Regional Spaceport 317840393 MOODY'S CORPORATION 317840250 MORTGAGE INSURANCE COMPANIES OF AMERICA 317840058 MOTION PICTURE ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA 317840030 MUNICIPAL FINANCIAL CONSULTANTS, INC. 317840099 National Financial Partners Corp. 317840404 National Registered Agents, Inc. 317840398 NATIONWIDE MUTUAL INSURANCE COMPANY 317840034 NCS PEARSON, INC. 317840256 NELNET, INC. 317840386 NEW YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY 317840035 NEW YORK STATE ENERGY RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT AUTHORITY 317840282 NEW YORK STATE HEALTH FACILITIES ASSOCIATION 317840160 NEW YORK YANKEES PARTNERSHIP 317840368 NEXXAR GROUP, INC. 317840329 NIAGARA FRONTIER TRANSPORTATION AUTHORITY 317840183 NOBLE ENVIRONMENTAL POWER 317840381 OneBeacon Insurance 317840400 OSAGE TRIBE OF INDIANS 317840330 PANAMERICAN CAPITAL PARTNERS, LLC 317840358 PANFLU, LLC 317840373 PAPERBOY VENTURES, LLC 317840388 Pegasus Associates, Inc. 317840412 Pensacola Regional Airport 317840406 PERKINELMER, INC 317840129 PETER O'DONNELL, JR. 317840377 PFIZER, INC. 317840036 PG&E CORPORATION 317840089 PHARMACEUTICAL RESEARCH AND MANUFACTURERS ASSOCIATION 317840111 PHILLIPS ALASKA, INC. 317840226 Preston Harbor, LP 317840418 Private Equity Council 317840415 PRODESSE, INC. 317840387 PROGRESSIVE EXPERT CONSULTING, INC 317840286 RADIO DIGITAL TECHNIQUE, INC 317840271 RAYMOND JAMES & ASSOCIATES, INC 317840276 Robbins Community Power 317840417 SAINT-GOBAIN CORPORATION 317840357 SAMSUNG ELECTRONICS AMERICA 317840040 SAN GABRIEL VALLEY WATER COMPANY 317840164 SANTA CLARA VALLEY TRANSPORTATION AUTHORITY 317840391 SAS INSTITUTE INC. 317840371 Select Health of South Carolina, Inc. 317840411 SENECA NATION OF INDIANS 317840249 SEQUOIA VENTURES, INC 317840042 SHOSHONE-PAIUTE TRIBES OF THE DUCK VALLEY RESERVATION 317840338 SOUTHEAST MILK, INC. 317840380 SOUTHERN MARYLAND NAVAL ALLIANCE 317840334 Southwest Windpower 317840419 ST. BARNABAS HEALTH CARE SYSTEM 317840204 STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK 317840208 SYRACUSE RESEARCH CORP. 317840374 TerreStar Networks 317840407 TEXAS INSTRUMENTS, INC. 317840350 THE BUSINESS ROUNDTABLE 317840080 THE DOW CHEMICAL COMPANY 317840255 THE METHODIST HOSPITAL 317840223 THE NASDAQ STOCK MARKET, INC. 317840202 THE WALT DISNEY COMPANY 317840246 THIRD WAVE TECHNOLOGIES, INC. 317840353 TYCO INTERNATIONAL (U.S.) 317840332 Tysons Tunnel Inc. 317840405 U.S. CHAMBER OF COMMERCE 317840376 U.S. CHAMBER OF COMMERCE INSTITUTE FOR LEGAL REFORM 317840382 UNITED KEETOOWAH BAND OF CHEROKEE INDIANS IN OKLAHOMA 317840266 VIAHEALTH 317840297 VIMPELCOM 317840326 VOLKSWAGEN, AG 317840137 West Valley Partners 317840392 WEST VALLEY WATER DISTRICT AND FONTANA WATER COMPANY 317840270 WYETH 317840070 Yolo County 317840394 |
| This collage above was done in response to a Texas Monthly watercolor which featured some other folks; in this version, the cast of characters (L to R) are former Texas edu-missioner (and former Dallas ISD supe) Mike Moses who is now chairman of the board of trustees of Akin Gump client American College of Education (see ACE on Akin Gump's Washington, DC lobby registration at left); that's Texas Monthly editor Evan Smith in the middle, and Sandy Kress at right. |
| Lobbying for China The National Ledger By Robert Novak Aug 9, 2005 WASHINGTON - On June 22, members of Congress received an e-mail from CNOOC Ltd., the Chinese government's huge oil producer, defending its takeover bid of Unocal [along with its substantial oil and gas reserves]. The letter was signed by Fu Chengyu, the Beijing-based chairman and CEO of CNOOC. If the U.S. lawmakers need "further information," they were urged to contact "our U.S. advisers at the firm of Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld" in Washington. That lifted eyebrows on Capitol Hill, where bipartisan opposition erupted against attempted Chinese acquisition of one of the last American energy assets. Akin Gump is one of the capital's legal-lobbying behemoths and needs no quick influx of income. Yet, two months ago, Akin Gump on its own initiative dropped its representation of Chevron Corp., CNOOC's competitor in acquiring Unocal. The unsolicited $18.5 billion CNOOC bid for Unocal tops the $17 billion agreement that Chevron had negotiated with Unocal. That leads to a widely held conclusion in Washington that Akin Gump switched sides to work for the highest bidder. The unkind appraisal would be that the firm is part of the capital's current climate that elevates money above all else. Akin Gump was a prestigious Dallas law firm with no Washington presence in 1970 when one of its partners, Robert S. Strauss, was elected treasurer of the Democratic National Committee [two years prior to becoming its chairman]. About to spend lots of time in Washington, Strauss figured he should open an Akin Gump office in the capital and brought one of the firm's lawyers up from Dallas. That grew to hundreds of lawyers, far more than worked at the home office, in a DuPont Circle building bearing Strauss's name. With Strauss and Clinton friend Vernon Jordan its biggest names, the Washington office at first had a Democratic coloration. But Bill Paxon (once considered a future Republican speaker of the House) became Akin Gump's dominant figure after joining the firm in 1999, following his surprise retirement from Congress at age 44. Strauss last year won the lobbyist race to hire another big-time Republican, Tommy Thompson, upon his resignation as HHS secretary. Like most modern lobbying firms, it does not take sides in politics, ideology or global competition. The new-style Akin Gump might |
| From website of Robert F. Sylk, "Businessman and Philanthropist": "Robert's trained team of hosts at the Agua Caliente Casino in Rancho Mirage." |
| Why now? We are asking the kinds of questions that had they been asked in December 2003 might have spared us 3 1/2 years of Shirley Neeley's leadership. The truth will come out. Our schoolchildren and their parents and taxpayers deserve nothing less. |
| seem an odd fit to represent an oil company controlled by the Chinese government, particularly since Paxon in Congress occasionally voted against U.S.-Chinese trade relations. Sources at Akin Gump informed me that the firm, which often has turned down clients offering a lucrative payoff, debated the Chinese bid long and hard before accepting it. Trying to probe the internal decisions of these massive lobbying firms is tougher than delving into the Mafia or the old Kremlin. Nobody talks on the record, and what is said on background is carefully parsed. At Akin Gump, I was referred to the firm's "ethics officer," who asked me not to use his name. He said the firm had decided in April not to renew an arrangement with Chevron that included work on "legislation" (though not as a registered lobbyist). Trying to ascertain how Chevron felt about getting dumped by Akin Gump, I telephoned the head of the California-based oil company's Washington office: Lisa Barry, a veteran government and corporate official. Informed that she never talks to reporters, several hours later I was contacted by a Chevron public relations officer. He told me Chevron had no hard feelings about being dumped by Akin Gump in favor of CNOOC. That would be inexplicable had not the Akin Gump ethics officer informed me that his firm still represented Chevron in litigation he would not identify. In the Washington world of big-time lawyers and lobbyists, there are no permanent alliances or enmities. China's oil bid raises serious policy questions that are being debated at high levels of the Bush administration. But CNOOC treats its efforts as another special interest campaign in Washington. It has hired Public Strategies, the firm of Mark McKinnon, the former Democratic advertising whiz who worked for George W. Bush's presidential campaigns and has committed to Sen. John McCain in 2008. Money talks in Washington, and it does not matter much who does the paying. |
| Among American College of Education's "Distinguished Advisors" on their Advisory Board is Sandy Kress-- whose firm Akin Gump lobbies professionally for the American College of Education; and, oh, Mike Moses is ACE's board prez. |
| Mike Moses |
| Anheuser-Busch ads |
| "If Anne Lauvergeon had been given the choice, the French nuclear-energy company she heads would have been the next state-owned firm slated for partial privatization." (SOURCE--Peter Gumbel/Time) |
| French nuclear powerhouse AREVA "is taking a lead role in developing and providing highly reliable nuclear power technology and solutions." (From website) |
| Just who are Akin Gump's lobby clients? By Peyton Wolcott Sunday, August 5, 2007/2:17 am |
| CITIZENS EDUCATIONAL FOUNDATION, INC. Note from Peyton: Reading this title, I assumed it was another of Sandy Kress' education-related groups. No. CEF is a "Non-profit organization dedicated to the decolonization of Puerto Rico." According to the Citizens' website, their U.S. partner is LULAC. |
| CNOOC "manages China's offshore oil and gas exploration and production activities, in partner- ship with international oil and gas firms. Under Chinese government-regulated production sharing contracts, CNOOC has the sole right to acquire up to 51% of any successful discovery offshore China made by foreign partners." (SOURCE--Yahoo) |
| The unkind appraisal would be that [Akin Gump] is part of the capital's current climate that elevates money above all else. -- Robert Novak |
Developing . . . . |
| "Agua Caliente band of Indians" sounds like a leftover casting call from a 1940's Western. Which may have been true in their pre-Rancho Mirage and pre-casino |
| Pair Under Inquiry May Face Tribal Action By Judy Sarasohn Thursday, October 7, 2004; Washington Post, Page A37 In other news about a former Abramoff tribal client . . . Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld registered to lobby on behalf of the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians of Palm Springs, Calif. The firm had earlier been retained to represent the tribe in the investigation. The lobby registration is for unrelated issues dealing with an array of transportation, education and other tribal issues, said Akin Gump lawyer Steven R. Ross. Also on the lobby team: Allison C. Binney, Susan H. Lent, Jeffrey D. McMillen and John M. Simmons. Like other law firms and lobby shops in recent years, Akin Gump has been building up its Indian affairs practice. Most recently, the firm brought on Steven J. W. Heeley, who was deputy general counsel for the Gila River Indian Community in Arizona, from 1997 to 2003, and earlier served as chief counsel of the Senate Indian Affairs Committee. He also served as deputy minority staff director and counsel to Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) on the then-Senate Select Committee on Indian Affairs. McCain is now chairman of the Senate Indian Affairs Committee and is leading the investigation into Abramoff's affairs. Heeley is a member of the Walpole Island First Nation. He most recently was at the law firm of Quarles & Brady Streich Lang. |
| days--but no longer. These folks at left might appear to be straight from Central Casting, but mostly likely they're cut from thelike their Akin Gump counterparts, the only role-playing going on is in the three-piece suit category. Casinos attract a lot of money and a lot of people who'd like to have more--both playing the gaming tables and operating the gaming tables. |
| Let's take a closer look at Akin Gump's other clients. |
Developing . . . . |